Karl Christian Rove, aka Karl Rove is set to receive his true due.
This article we share below is written by is from the New York Times on 20070330.

We have mirrored this article exactly, so that you can always easily know the literal truck bomb of healings in the name of truth in America.

Cars are bombs of death, always, from the moment of its creation to its moment of turning the key on to start the combustion engine.
Karl Rove's political lies are like car bombs of death, hidden agendas and hidden costs and hidden evils and hidden results to the core.

Karl Rove's lies are Christian beliefs to the core, hiding themselves in little letters and little whispers and little winks of hidden knowings.
Karl Christian Rove's lies are political ails of the highest order, for he is riddled with his hidings of lies long given.
Karl Christian Rove is lying still, and offering to testify to that fact only if there is no voice recorder, no video recorder, no court reporter,
no reporting of any kind nor any record of any kind.  Fancy this fellow, America, and ponder his arrogances of power long dispensed.

Then, turn your previously blind eye to George Walker Bush.

All folks who voted for George Bush in 2004, please report to your recruiting station for inductment and processing for training to go
heal Iraq, thank you.

My name is Kathy Uno, and I am a purveyor of this Email's Car Bombs of Healing Truths
shown below as first shared by the New York Times on 20070330 :

Karl Rove at the Radio and Television Correspondents’ Association dinner Wednesday night in Washington,
where he participated in an improvised rap skit.

E-Mail Shows Rove’s Role in Fate of Prosecutors

By DAVID D. KIRKPATRICK and JIM RUTENBERG
Published: March 29, 2007

WASHINGTON, March 28 — Almost every Wednesday afternoon, advisers to President Bush gather
  to strategize about putting his stamp on the federal courts and the United States attorneys’ offices.

The group meets in the Roosevelt Room and includes aides to the White House counsel, the chief of staff,
the attorney general and Karl Rove, who also sometimes attends himself. Each of them signs off on every nomination.

Mr. Rove, a top adviser to the president, takes charge of the politics. As caretaker to the administration’s
conservative allies, Mr. Rove relays their concerns, according to several participants in the Wednesday meetings.
And especially for appointments of United States attorneys, he manages the horse trading.

“What Karl would say is, ‘Look, if this senator who has been working with the president on the following things
really wants this person and we think they are acceptable, why don’t we give the senator what he wants?’ ” said
one former administration official. “ ‘You know, we stiffed him on that bill back there.’ ”

Mr. Rove’s role has put him in the center of a Senate inquiry into the dismissal of eight United States attorneys.
Democrats and a few Republicans have raised questions about whether the prosecutors were being replaced
to impede or jump-start investigations for partisan goals.

Political advisers have had a hand in picking judges and prosecutors for decades, but Mr. Rove exercises unusually
broad influence over political, policy and personnel decisions because of his closeness to the president, tenure in the
administration and longstanding interest in turning the judiciary to the right.

In Illinois, Mr. Rove once reprimanded a Republican senator for recommending the appointment of Patrick J. Fitzgerald,
a star prosecutor from outside the state, to investigate the state’s then-governor, a Republican. In New Jersey, Mr. Rove
helped arrange the nomination of a major Bush campaign fund-raiser who had little prosecutorial experience. In Louisiana,
he first supported and then helped scuttle a similar appointment.

In the months before the United States attorneys in New Mexico and Washington State were ousted,
Mr. Rove joined a chorus of complaints from state Republicans that the federal prosecutors had failed
to press charges in Democratic voter fraud cases. While planning a June 21, 2006, White House session
to discuss the prosecutors, for example, a Rove deputy arranged for top Justice Department officials to
meet with an important Bush supporter who was critical of New Mexico’s federal prosecutor about voter fraud.

And in Arkansas, newly released Justice Department e-mail messages show, Mr. Rove’s staff repeatedly
prodded the department’s staff to install one of his protégés as a United States attorney by ousting a previous
Bush appointee who was in good standing.

Senate Democrats and a few Republicans have called for Mr. Rove to testify publicly about the dismissals.

“There is an issue of intrigue, and for better or worse, that surrounds Karl Rove,” said Senator Arlen Specter
of Pennsylvania, the ranking Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee. “It is in the president’s interest and
the country’s interest to have it dispelled or verified, but let’s hear it from him.”

The White House, however, is offering only a private interview without a sworn oath.

Congressional Democrats said they were focusing on Mr. Rove in part because the administration appeared to
have tried to hide his fingerprints. In a February 23 letter to Senate Democratic leaders that was approved by
the White House counsel’s office, for example, the Justice Department said that no one in the White House
had “lobbied” for any of the eight dismissals, and specifically denied that Mr. Rove had “any role” in the
appointment of the protégé, J. Timothy Griffin, a former Bush campaign operative.

But the Justice Department officials who drafted the letter had corresponded with Mr. Rove’s staff just weeks earlier
about how to get the nomination done. On Wednesday night, a department official apologized for inaccuracies in the letter.

White House officials said Mr. Rove was just one voice in the approval of federal prosecutors, whose selection is
traditionally guided by the recommendations of senior members of the president’s party in their states.

“Our job is to find qualified nominees who can win confirmation and be good public servants,” said Dana Perino,
a White House spokeswoman. After the United States attorneys are confirmed, she said, Mr. Rove and others at
the White House show “wide deference” to the Justice Department about specific cases.

Some Republicans say they always understood that Mr. Rove had a say in prosecutor appointments.
“I basically felt when I was talking to Karl I was talking to the president,”
said former Senator Peter G. Fitzgerald, an Illinois Republican.

(Page 2 of 2)

Early in the Bush administration, Mr. Fitzgerald said, he sought to recruit a prosecutor who could
investigate Gov. George Ryan of Illinois without fear of influence by the state’s political powers.
But Governor Ryan and his political ally Speaker J. Dennis Hastert argued to the White House
that they should have a voice in the decision and insisted that someone from Illinois get the post.
Mr. Fitzgerald, who had hired Mr. Rove as a consultant , called him to settle the question.

“Peter, it is your pick,” Mr. Rove told Mr. Fitzgerald, the former senator recalled.
“But we don’t want you to pick anybody from out of state. For your Chicago guy, it has to be from Chicago.”

Undeterred, Mr. Fitzgerald sidestepped the White House. He made only one recommendation
— Patrick J. Fitzgerald, a New York prosecutor — announced it publicly, and drew public acclaim that made it unstoppable.
Some time after the appointment, the former Senator Fitzgerald said, Mr. Rove “kind of yelled at me,” telling him,
“The appointment got great headlines for you but it ticked off the base”— a phrase that the senator took to refer
to the state’s Republican establishment.

Tony Fratto, a White House spokesman, said Mr. Rove was simply pushing a general administration goal to appoint home-state prosecutors.

Democrats have seized on a connection to Mr. Rove to attack a prosecutor’s credibility.
In New Jersey, William Palatucci, a Republican political consultant and Bush supporter,
boasted of selecting a United States attorney by forwarding Mr. Rove the résumé of his
partner, Christopher J. Christie, a corporate lawyer and Bush fund-raiser with little prosecutorial experience.

Mr. Christie has brought public corruption charges against prominent members of both parties,
but his most notable investigations have stung two Democrats, former Gov. James E. McGreevey and
Senator Robert Menendez. When word of the latter inquiry leaked to the press during the 2006 campaign,
Mr. Menendez sought to dismiss it by tying Mr. Christie to Mr. Rove, calling the investigation,
“straight out of the Bush-Rove playbook.” (Mr. McGreevey resigned after admitting to having an
affair with a male aide and the Menendez investigation has not been resolved.)

Mr. Rove initially supported the 2002 nomination of Fred Heebe, a lawyer turned developer and a
major Bush donor, for United States attorney in Louisiana. But after former romantic partners of
Mr. Heebe raised accusations of abuse, which he denied, the White House backed off.
Gov. Mike Foster publicly blamed Mr. Rove for the reversal. Local Republican women
sent Mr. Rove’s fax machine letters supporting Mr. Heebe, to no avail.

Mr. Rove acts as a conduit to the White House for complaints from Republican officials
around the country, including gripes about federal prosecutors. During the tight 2004
governor’s race in Washington State, for example, Chris Vance, then chairman of the
state’s Republican party, complained to a member of Mr. Rove’s staff about what he
considered Democratic voter fraud.

“When you are a state party chairman, the White House regional political director is just part of your life,” Mr. Vance recalled.
Mr. Vance said he never complained specifically about the United States attorney John McKay, who has been dismissed.
Mr. Vance said he did not know if Mr. McKay had started an investigation.

But in New Mexico, Mr. Vance’s counterpart as well as the state’s senior Republican, Senator Pete V. Domenici,
both complained to Mr. Rove that the United States attorney David C. Iglesias was not prosecuting Democratic voter fraud.

Mr. Rove readily took up their alarms. In an April 2006 speech to the Republican National Lawyers Association,
he detailed accusations about Democratic abuses in several locations, including New Mexico and
“the spectacle of Washington State.” He also relayed the complaints to Attorney General Alberto R. Gonzales and
the White House counsel, Harriet E. Miers, and possibly Mr. Bush, the administration has recently acknowledged.
The prosecutors in those two states, who have said they could not prove accusations of voter fraud, were among those ousted last year.

In Arkansas, Representative John Boozman, the state’s highest ranking Republican in Congress, said he recommended Mr. Rove’s
protégé, Mr. Griffin, for a United States attorney vacancy in 2004, in part because of his ties to Mr. Rove.

A prosecutor in the Army Reserves, Mr. Griffin worked for Mr. Rove as an opposition researcher attacking
Democratic presidential candidates in 2000. In between, for six months, the Justice Department had dispatched
him to Arkansas to get experience as a prosecutor.

“I have been in situations through the years where Tim and Karl were at,” Mr. Boozman recalled.
“I could tell that Karl thought highly of him.” -

Mr. Griffin dropped out of the running in 2004 when he accepted a campaign job for Mr. Rove,
then became his deputy in the White House. But last summer, the department asked
United States Attorney H. E. Cummins III to resign to make room and Mr. Rove’s staff began
talking with department officials about how to install Mr. Griffin despite Senate opposition, internal e-mail shows.

Republican defenders of the Griffin appointment said it is hardly unheard of for a prominent official like Mr. Rove to call in such a favor.

Ultimately, United States attorneys know they are political appointees, said Senator John Cornyn, Republican of Texas, who is close to Mr. Rove.

“To suggest that these folks do not know or understand the process by which they are appointed, confirmed and retained,”
Mr. Cornyn said, “is to suggest that they are naïve.”
Source of Page 1 : http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/29/washington/29rove.html?_r=1&hp&oref=slogin

Source of Page 2 : http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/29/washington/29rove.html?pagewanted=2&_r=1&hp

Title of this page is : Republicans Nuclear Clans Clan Karl Rove's Car Bombs of Truths

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The Car Bombs of Healing Truths re : Rove, Karl Christian's Lies.

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